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The Tang-e Āzāo inscriptions, in Persian in Hebrew script dating from the beginning of the Islamic period (1064 Seleucid era/135/753-54; Henning) in the Ḡūr (Ḡōr) region of Afghanistan, suggest that Jews may also have been present in that area somewhat earlier (Henning).
There may have been a Jewish population in the Kabul region as well: The grandfather of Abū Ḥanīfa Noʿmān (founder of the Hanafite ) from Kabul named Zūṭā (Aramaic “little”; Schacht, p. Although no known source mentions a Jewish presence in Jahūḏān in the Middle Ages, the name itself indicates that Jews had founded it or had constituted a substantial part of its population at some point.
Totally Free to Place Profile and connect with hundreds of thousands of singles like you now! 130/747) introduced two elements that fundamentally affected Jews of the region throughout subsequent history. Two other inscriptions from there contain the honorific (head of the community; Rapp, 1971, p. The only available data on the number of Jews in the region immediately after the conquest are some unreliable 12th-century figures (see below). The remains of the Jewish cemetery near the village of Jām in the vicinity of Fīrūzkūh, the main town of the Varšād[a] (Varsād) area of Ḡūr, are evidence that there had been Jewish inhabitants in that area for at least 150 years before the Ghurid Qoṭb-al-Dīn Moḥammad Šansabānī founded Fīrūzkūh ca. At Balḵ there were Jewish settlers from at least as early as the 3rd/9th century, when Yāqūt mentioned Jahūḏānak (see above) as “[one] of Balḵ’s settlements.” It must have been a settlement within the limits of “the big wall,” which, according to Yaʿqūbī (, p. As for Ḵᵛārazm, aside from Ṭabarī’s mention of in Kāṯ at the time of the Arab invasion (see above), there is some circumstantial evidence for the 4th/10th century. Again, as in the Ghurid legend mentioned above, a Jew plays the role of 1915). The first was the status of (“conditions” of ʿOmar II, r. 1688) is to be interpreted as proof that no later than ca. 59) reported that a certain ʿOḇadyā “is appointed upon” the Jews there and called him (lay head of the community). Nevertheless, according to Nāṯān “the Babylonian” a bitter controversy took place in 296-305/909-16 between the exilarch ʿUÚqěḇā and the head of the Pūmbědīṯā academy over revenues from Khorasan (Friedlaender, loc. The Jewish population there at the beginning of the 4th/10th century must have been sizable for such a controversy to have arisen. 323), there were “many Jews and few Christians” in the region in the 370s/980s. cit.) gave the number of Jews in Ḡazna as 80,000 and in Samarkand as 50,000. 540/1145-46: The earliest burial date read so far is 1424 Seleucid era/1012-13 (Rapp, 1973, p. It is not certain whether the settlement of Jews in Varšād/Fīrūzkūh resulted from mass migration from Mandēš to Varšād or whether a Jewish community also continued in the former area. 228), surrounded “the environs of Balḵ.” Probably it was located near Bāb al-Yahūd (the Jews’ gate), mentioned by Eṣṭaḵrī (2nd ed., p. In addition to Bayhaqī’s story of a special tax on the Jews of Balḵ (see above), Nāṣer-e Ḵosrow also mentioned the Jews of the city in the 5th/11th century (p. Bīrūnī provided an exceptionally detailed systematic description of the Jewish calendar in his , pp. The poet must have been referring to some kind of destruction of the Jand Jewish community around the middle of the 6th/12th century. (As a Silicon Valley firm, we have been in the online dating business for over 17 years! ) If you are asexual, please go to our asexual dating site Safe network. Such doubts may indicate that Jews had already been dwelling in Marv for several generations, long enough for a Babylonian to suspect that they lacked knowledge or rigor in fulfilling the relevant ritual requirements. The end of the 6th century is usually accepted as the time when the authority of the Babylonian academies began to be recognized beyond the limits of Mesopotamia, and, according to the early 10th-century chronicler Nāṯān “the Babylonian,” the Pūmbědīṯā academy was “in olden times” the supreme authority on religious law for the Jews of Khorasan (i.e., the entire eastern portion of greater Iran; Friedlaender, p. During 1954-56 excavations near Bayrām-ʿAlī (in the immediate vicinity of the ruins of ancient Marv) ossuaries datable to the 5th-7th centuries were found with inscriptions in square Hebrew script (Klevan’, pp. That there were Jews in Kāṯ (the capital of Ḵᵛārazm) in the 6th century can be assumed on the basis of a remark in the I, p. This statement is apparently traceable to an earlier legend aimed at explaining the presence of Jews there. Further proof of Jewish presence in the city before the Arab invasion of Ḵᵛārazm (93/712) is a reference by Ṭabarī to among those consulted by the Ḵᵛārazmšāh (II, p. 1237); this term refers to non-Muslim religious authorities, particularly Jewish rabbis (Barthold, I, p. 545, has offered no support for his doubts on this point). Wolff (1795-1862), who seems to have undertaken a kind of census of Jews “in Toorkestaun,” stated their number to be “13,600 souls” (p. The first census of the Russian empire (1897) counted 11,463 adherents of Judaism in Central Asian territory under Russian sovereignty (Troĭnitskiĭ, p. It can be estimated that at least 9,500-10,000 of them were Central Asian Jews. In 1970, according to data from the Soviet census (, pp. Data from various independent sources suggest that there were 6,000-6,500 Jews in the amirate of Bukhara, 4,000-4,500 of them in the city itself (Neymark, pp. 202, table 11; 223, table 13; 284, table 22; 295, table 24; 306, table 27; with somewhat misleading distribution among language groups), there were an estimated 40,000 Central Asian Jews in the USSR (corrected by about 15 percent for Central Asian Jewish native speakers of Russian).